“Everyone is not for Sootalism, which signifies the democrai~ ic management by the workers, according to 3 pian, ct the social property...-
“In our free country we sre building Socialism by giving tu the direct producers, to the workers, the management 2.f the land and factories....
"But there are others who naturally are against selfmanagement, and we do not sneak only of the former owners, of the rich in general, but we spesk equslly ci the swarm ot petty bureaucrats who do not accepi thst workers themse] ves shuil decice democratically the management of the fvrms and factories.
“The self-management is constantly put in danger by the arbitrary and illegal interventions of these petty bureaucrats, often functionaries of the administration; of the SAP: of other servioes even who gravely deform self-management and empty it of its content, by intimidating the workers, by breaking their creative elan, and putting in their way all sorts of obstacles in the management of farms and factories,
“We shall expose in detail the acts of counter-revolution— aries oonscious and unconscious, anti shail not cease to call on the workers to take fully their righte shat are eesorded to them by the deerces of March 1963."
eftieer eee sett tte tt eee eee eee ea ee ee
Every day at 8 pm, over radio and teievision, in French Arabic and Kabylie, is broadcast the VOICE OF SOCIALIST ALGERIA, the broadcast of the BNASS ( National Bureau of Animation of the Socialist Sector.) We have qucted 2bove from the broad— cast of the 7th August. The next evening the VOICE OF SOCIALIST ALGERIA, went into the detail promises of those arhitrasy acts of the petty bureaucrats. Those of the SAP iL have cole petrol to the management committees at a very high price. They have even in certain cases taken away certain equipment from farms under self-management.
The sector of the economy under workers committees is seen in Algeria, as the guiding lichit for the future socialist measures. Arising from the Decrees of March 1963, they have marked the high-point of the Algerian Revolution up till now. There has been a tremendous struggle around thie sector. of which these last broadcasts of the BNASS are « refiectior.. Arising from the low cultural level in Algeris {"culturei" for the lack of a better word, meaning the high raie of Iilj.teracy, lack of modern production methods, parijicularly in agriculture, low living standards, remnats of feudalism, both in economic and social relations as well as in ideology.}, ths attempt of the March 1963, decrees to introduce workers democratic manage--
ment in an important sector of the economy naturally aroused immed— iate obstacles, particularly from the bureaucratic elements.
It would be wrong too, to think that this is a single battle to be resolved in the coming weeks and months. Rather, because the bureaucratic tendency is rooted in the objective cireum— stances of the country, it will be a continuous struggle to prevent grave bureaucratic deformations of this structure of workers self-management.
In Algeria the Revolution is present everywhere. But it must be noted that over the months since March, there has been a certain pause. Of course some may say that it is only after all a few months. But in the given circumstances of Algeria, there is an urgent; impetuous need for the Revolution to go continuously forward, step by step.
This pause itself can be seen to be having offoct alrendy . If there has been the necessity of this fight against the bureaucrats in this self-management sector, by the BNASS, even against other bureaux and departments of the Government, it has been because the socialist sector is still relatively small in regard to the rest of the economy. If it becomes in fact isolated for any length of time as only one sector, particularly in agriculture fighting against other powerful sectors, tendencies and interests, then its bureaucratic degeneration, if not its very existence, becomes endangered.
It is in this context that the Agrarian reform takes on great importance. The Agrarian reform is being posed now as one of the greatest urgency. With the harvest proceeding now, the ploughing is due in October. For obvious reasons, any Agrarian reform will have to be effective by October. Colonel Boumedienne, viee-President of Algeria, stated recently in Cuba, during his visit there that the Agrarian Reform,.was on the order of the day. This was taken up by "Le Peuple", on the 7th August, which featured a front page article. " The Democratic and Popular Revolution is first of all an Agrarian Reform". This aroused comment in the following day's French press.
Revolution Africaine, of 19th August, goes into much detailed analysis of agrarian reform, under the title "SOCIALISM AND THE AGRARIAN REFORM", From this article we see three forms of Agrarian Reform. First the agrarian reform, will affect ali propert— ies, both Algerian owned and French owned which cover more area than is needed to keep a family at a reasonable standard of living. This is estimated at about eleven to twenty two acres of fertile land, and from twenty five to fifty in infertile parts. The three forms are, firstly, self-manageed land which will cover over seven million acres. Secondly, "production co/operatives of about three million acres and the rest of about fifteen million acres of land divided among peasants. (2)
with such a genuinely revolutionary agrarian reform, the Algerian Revolution will have made a historic turn. Indeed the momentum and necessities of such an agrarian reform will oarry
Na el i ee ee
for. ward the Algerian Revolution to new advances, to new national—
isations, to evolutions of political structures that we could only
now get a glimpse of. As with the Cuban Revolution, basing itself
upon the desire for a thorough-going land reform, the revolutionary
government will of necessity have to take other steps.
Although we have spoken here only of two aspects of the Ale
erian Revolution, of the Self-Management and the agrarian rdbrm,
which are of course, the crux of the whole question, we have not
spoken of other revolutionary measures. The Campaign against
Ti1dteracy which only begun last month is now in full swing and
the slogan “Alphabetisons" is everywhere. Carried out in a fully
revolutionary way it is a most inspiring movement. Taking its
lessons particularly from the Cuban experience, the Algerian exper-
ience will be more difficult as in most cases the lessons must of
necessity be in French, which is,after all, only a second language
for the Algerians. Still, there are plamfor an "Arabisation’ to
be eventually carried out.
Another point that should be mentioned! the Revolution is, in
comparison with past revolutions, extraordinarily democratic. That
is not to say that everything is perfect and that things do not
happen which are even extremely undemocratic. But in the given
context, the freedom of tendency inside the general;fgamework of
the Revolution is remarkable. ‘Within the concept of one Party of
the FLN, the right of tendency exists to a greater degree than in
any other recent revolution. It is wath mentioning the general
category into which the numerous tendencies can be placed: first,
there is the out-and-out bourgeois tendency, which even when pay-
ing lip-service to Socialism urgesthat it be delayed for a long
period, which in fact adds up to forever. ‘Within the broad bor-
geois tendency exist sub-tendencies, some of whom, such as Ferhat
Abbas, represent 4 genuine bourgeois—democratic tendency desiring
a full and reél bourgeois democracy on the West European model,
One can name many of the members of the National Assembly who seek
above all to protect the rights of that Assembly. On the other
hand,there are the genuinely bourguibists, authoritarian, semi-—
feudal to their roots. As Well, there exists the bureaucratic
tendency, seeking the bureaucratic transformation of the bourgeois
state. Of course, here there are many sub-tendencies also. There
are the "conscious" bureaucrats; either outright Stalinists or
elements who have learnt their politics in the %talinist school.
Next are the more "unconscious" bureaucrats who have learnt through
their experience in office that the self-management is something
which challenges their absolute authority and which therefore
they accuse of giving rise to "disorder", etc. With all these ten-
dencies there is the desire above all to defeat or deform the self-
management. The bureaucratic tendency is strongest in the admin-
istration and in certain sections of the Party and other non-
Governmental organisms. Lastly, there is the left-wing of the
Revolution,basing itself above all on the Self-Management committees,
and on the need for the dynamic development of the Revolution.
One must first of all include here Ben Bella himself. As well, in
the very spearhead of the Revolution is the BNASS, which particul- —_ ——.
Lidi-arly over the past week has Doen leaging a aetermineu struyyle against the attempts at bureaucratic deformations of the self— Management seotor. As well, one must include the press, Li ‘PEUPLE and REVOLUTION AFRICAINE, as well as most of the other weeklies and fortnightlies. Throughout the administration and in the activities of the party are to be found many cadres with an understanding of the need for the Revolution to go continually for ward, on the basis of self-management by the workers themselves. The ANP (the Army) is above all a basis for the Left wing of the Revolution, especially at the present stage around the question of the Agrarian Reform.
The Algerian Revolution comes to another crucial turning— point. ‘hat role do the external factors of the Vorld Revolution as a whole play? First as regards the ‘Yorkers States in themselves? It is undoubtedly Yugoslavia that plays the most progressive role. Not only in its practical help to the Algerian Revolution, but also in its idalogicial aid particularly on the question of the self-management committtees. It is worth noting that the most regressive elements on this question are the Chinese-who deny evui. : that nationalisation under self-management is socialist. For them it mast be managed from the top completely in a typical stalinised way. As for the rest of the workers states, Bulgaria gives some aid, while there is presently an economic mission from the Soviet Union travelling throughtout the county, the prelude to aid from the Soviet Union. Ben Bella has stated a number of times that the Algerian Revolution canonly progress in the measure in which the African Revolution progresses. The work of the Addis Ababa Conference is of great importance and should be analysed seperately. Its major importance besides its sense of African Unity, was the dec— ision to aid in all waysincluding by arms the revolutionaty struggle in South Africa, the Portuguese colonies and the Khodesias. But this seems to have been somewhat disappointing in that the decision on Angola was to support Holden. It is again necessary to go into some details on this question which is not possible heres) oeria goes along the Socialist road. How far it will go ci depends on many factors, and the decisions in coming months, particularly on the agrarian reform will be of great importance. It will be a big defeat for the bargeois and feudal elements. It will make the transition to 4 workers state a great possibility. dhat will have to be decided is the form of the workers state. Is it to be a bureaucratically deformed one, or one in which there is to a great extent workers democracy? That will also be decided to a large extent by the form of the agrarian reform. Under the given objective conditions it is almost inevitable that there will be some deformations in the Revolution. ‘What is the duty of the revolutionary left-wing is to limit these deformations, to fight continually for the maintenance and extension of workers democracy. Such a struggle has every hope of successbut will only be the result of continuous struggle, not only ageinst the borgeois tendencies, but also against the bureaucratic ones. It is a struggle that des— erves the support of all Socialists, for if the Algerian revolution succeeds to a victory of socialist democracy then it will be a lesson of tremendous imoort for 411 Socialists throughout the world.
llth August, 1963
a
The farm BOUCHAOUI AMAR (La Trappe)
under Workers self-management.
La Trappe was at first a Trappist monastery, then at the
beginning of this century it was turned into a huge capitalist
farm producing some of the most famous wines in Algeria. And now
it has gone through a further transformation; for now it is under
workers self-management.
On the night of 14th May this year Monsieur Henri Borgeaud
slept peacefully enough in his luxurious villa sometens of kilo—
metres outside Algiers. The Algeria his father knew when he took
over La Trappe had certainly changed. But he was still the owner
of this famously rich 3,000 acre farm. (Well, 4,000 acres actually,
but for the taxation office of course, only 4,000) And he intend-
ed to stay on. His association with the OAS had been discreet and
there Was a, ood chance that the Algerians did not know that he
gave freely to their funds and even hid some.of their leaders...
But unforunately for Henri Borgeaud the Algerian i seni
had discovered this last secret. And on that night the
Algerian Army had surrounded his farm. He was rudely awakened and
removed from his villa, without even being allowed to shave..
the next night he slept in ETERGS
"The gate of Heaven" is insaribed in Latin above the entrance
to La Trappe. The Virgin Mary stands guard above the gate. The
visitor enters into 4 courtyard and on the left stands the iron
gate that guards the villa. The villa now is empty and is to be
preserved as a reminder of how the colons lived. .We had a look
around the farm,and then went into a small office of the President
of the Management Committee. Here, with some other members of the
Management Committee w¢ had a discussion.
The day following the expulsion of Borgeaud, Ben Bella and
the official of the National Bureau for the Animation of the Soo
islist Sector (the BNASS) came to La Trappe. Under the presidency
of Ben Bella the workers on the farm elected a Workers Gouncil of
33 members. This Workers Council in turn elected a Management
Committee of 9 members. Unanimously eleoted Ousli Djilali as
President of their Committee. There was one woman elected on the
Workers Council and one on the Management Committee. She was
eee when we spoke with the President of the Management
Go SE
The farm We were told, employs over 700 workers on a permanent
basis and many seasonal Workers. The Workers Council and the
Management Committee had both met several times and had had full
responsibility for the management of the farm sinoe May, and for
instance, had been responsible for the harvest that was still
proceeding. 6 were keen to hear about how they managed such an
undertaking after all the French technicians, foremen eto., had
Lisd left with Borgeaud. The answer we got was very simple. "We have had no technicians coming in to take their place. The workers who have worked here, in some case for over forty years, know much more than some young college graduate. They advise us about the whole process of wine-making, and tell us which wines must be sold quickly and which we may keep for some time." For the sle of the wines, those that are sold overseas are handled by the state, and the proceeds are handed back to the Management Committee in the form of credits. As for the sale of wines inside Algeria, they receive offers and then the Management Committee discusses the offers and votes on them. And how was the harvest this year? Proudly we were told that it was double that of last year. Of course, it has been a good year along most of the Mediterranean, but it is equally true that the workers' management commit tee has managed the affairs exceedingly well. Another factor also enters into the good harvest...the enthusiasm of the workers. "ie all work very well and hard", said Ouali Djilali. "If I leave, every-— thing will collapse", said Borgeaud as he was hustled out on that May dawn. Well, the workers have proved him more than wrong. One could sense a dogged determination to prove Borgeaud absolutely wrong. w#hen we asked about wages for instance, the President of the Management Committee replied: "\/e give each worker an advance per Week, and then at the end of the year we will divide up the profits after the Government has taken its share, deciding what each worker shall receive. But we are not looking for benefits", he continued, "but to double production, to show what can be done by self-management by the workers. ie have enough to eat and drink, we don't went to be millionaires. We live here in a very privile ged area. ie want to helo our brothers in the mountains. We want to help other management committees who do not make enough money, and who have difficulties."
Other things confirmed that the workers here were better off without their boss. Borgeaud tried to sabotage certain crops when he thought he would have to withdraw. He failed to invest in new stock and machinery. The management committee decided to do se. The wines are tended with loving care, as never before. ' If the workers of Bouchaoui Amar do not want to be mill— ionaires, they have taken their rights to a decent living standard. Before Borgeaud left, they lived in miserable huts without any facilities whatsoever. So, when the French technicians left and wacated small villas with about 10 rooms, the workers moved in. The wives had for the first time, gas, a decent bed, and a table to eat from We asked about the seasonal workers who are quite a c onsid-— erable croup. We were told that they were housed in dormitories (as they come without families) and are paid at exactly the same
173 rate as the ordinary permanent workers on the farm. Even some
times, when they have large travelling bills the Management
Committee decides to help them out financially.
For the estate Borgeaud ran his own shop.. He paid his
workers in “Borgeaud money", specially manufactured light coins,
which could only be used in his own shops. Such was the modern
form of feudalism invented by Borgeaud. Now the shop is run by
the workers themselves with the goods for sale at very reasonable
prices. :
We asked next about health and educational facilities. "A
doctor and nurse visit us twice a week and are always available
by phone at any time. We have a dispensary on the farm." And as
for the school,.."We have four forms here, while those children
we cannot fit in for the moment go to a nearby village school.
We have a car which takes them to the school each day and picks
them up. They eat at the shool at liypcthime. As well, there is
an evening school run in the framework of the Campaign against
Illiteracy, where a young worker here teaches adult workers to
read andwite in Arabic" One of the visitors with me askeda bout
facilities for looking after the children of the women who work.
“Not yet", was the reply, which recalled to us that this had all
been done in a few months.
The Borgeaud estate bordered the sea. He had his own priv—
ate beaches, one of which was the base for a very exclusive
French club. Now they are run by the v/orters Committee for the
general public, who pay a parking fee for their cars. There are
some large wooded areas on the farm. In these there was at tho
same time of our visit a group of scouts encamped, who work on
the estate in the morning, and then in the afternoon swim and re—
lax. They have come from all over Algeria.
The Bouchaoui Amar farm is certainly a "model" farm, a pilot
experience, as it has been called. Others do not work asvell, and
have not such an excellent team to lead the work as here. There
are many who seek to destroy the workers committees. These are
not only the Borgeauds or their Algerian equivalents. Often there
are those little bureaucrats who detest the sight of workers man-
aging their own affairs. That is the other lesson of the La
Trappe experience. Not only do the workers not need the capital—
ist boss, but they do not need the dominating all-powerful little
bureaucrats either.
Brother Mammeri Moussa, Director of the Bouchaoui Amar farm
could not have agreed more. Fulfilling strictly the functions
laid down for him in the Decrees of March, 1963, he works in
close co-operation with the Management Committee, carrying out
the plans made by them, helping them with his expert technical
knowledge. But at La Trappe the danger of the bureaucratic
interferences comes from outside. "We are very friendly with our
friends, andi very hostile to ovr enemies", said Ouali Diilali.
a
And lately the S A P has been an"enemy". The SAP was an agency established by the French for agricultural aid, of course, to priv ate French farmers. It is still staffed with many of the former French staff, as well as by new Algerian staff. However it still appears to maintain many of the old colonialist tendencies. THE VOICE OF SOCIALIST ALGERIA, the daily broadoast of the BNASS has recently exposed some of the methods of the SAP. The SAP has been charging the Management Committees an exhorbitant rate for petrol. The President of the Bouchaoui Amar estate claimed that they used the tractors, harvesters, eto., that they should have hired to the Management Committee, as a means of pressure. We should like to be able to buy the machines ourselves", the President of the Management Committee stated.
Many times the cry of "the need for efficiency" goes up from the opponents of the Management Committees. In public they are very careful to speak in riddles, and not to openly attack the Self-man— agement. Ferhat Abbas, in his statement of resignation as President of the National Assembly of August 14th, spoke of those "who do not fail to experiment, to the detriment of the national _ interest, with the most fantastic theories". while the ALGER RSPUBLICAIN in an article by Abdelhamid Benzine, a leading former member of the Alger ian Communist Party, wrote on Aug. 15th, "To be a revolutionary it is to be efficient..." But on this very question of efficiency it is a lesson that we mist stress,that the résources opened up by giving the workers themselves the management of the farms and fact-~ ories is immense. There is often nothing more ineffi cient than a petty bureaucrat ruling all-powerful over a factory of farm. Another danger that has arisen is the intervention by various bodies in the democratia election to the Council and Committees. Often, varying pressures are brought to bear by some organisation or department to have appointed their own team, with farcial elect~ ions» This had often occured, and it was necessary to have 4 Campaign for the democratis.ution of the election of these committees. But the problem remains and will continue to remin while thero is illiteracy, low living standards and in part a lack of full conscious—ness in the masses.
The Management Committees in farm and factory do not cover the majority of the economy. In agriculture they cover 1 M. acres, but often of the best land. There are over 600 small industrial enter— prises taken over, as Well as over 100 cinemas, etc. under self—management. déhat is of importance and which will determine the future of self-management to a large extent is the complete land reform, of all properties above those needed to keep one family at a decent living standard. Both Algerian and French will be effected. If, as has been putfor ward in REVOLUTION APRICAINE all the modern sector is put under self-managem (some 7 M. acres) while some other 2M. acres is under "producérs co-operatives", the future is bright. If however i is a bureaucratic reform; then self-management is very much weakened, and in danger either of outright destruction or bureaucratic deformation. As we drove out through the "Gate of Heaven" theré could be little doubt about the success of this farm, We could only hope that its ex~ ample would spread throughout the country and become the key motor __ foros of the Algerian Revolution, 15th iugust, 1963