The murder of Martin Luther King brought forth a reply from Black America which has stunned the white power structure. Towns from Washington to Kansas have experienced the type of uprising which is expected from only one or two towns at the peak of the "long hot summer". Never before have so many areas experienced this type of ferment simultaneously. And never before have so many uprisings been undertaken in such a conscious manner. Reporter after reporter was told: "We're not rioting, We're making a revolution!" The result of all this has been to focus attention more firmly than ever on the concept of "Black Power" and those who advocate it. Stokely Carmichael himself reacted swiftly to King's murder by calling on Black Americans to arm themselves; although his call was given wide publicity in Europe, in the U.S.A. it was almost universally suppressed - eloquent testimony to the influence which Stokely now wields in the ghettos. For his part, Martin Luther King had prior to his murder shown signs of a more conciliatory attitude to the Black Power movement, admitting that it had certain positive features, although he retained his opposition to violence to the end.
The reaction of the British left to the growth of the Black Power movement has been generally hostile - "left" Labour M.P.s have joined hands with sectarians to echo the hysterical press charges of "black racialism" and even "black fascism". Moreover, the growth of Black Power organisations in this country, notably, the Universal Coloured People's Association, makes the attitude of British socialists one of practical importance and not just of theoretical nicety. Most of those on the left who oppose Black Power pose the question as "Socialism VERSUS Black Power".
This is a profoundly mistaken approach. The black people of the U.S.A., or Britain for that matter, cannot merely be considered as part of the working class who happen to be black - the situation is a great deal more complicated than that. The black people are distinguished from the white working class in a number of ways. First, black Americans are doubly exploited. They are exploited because they are working class and because they are black. Second, they have a quite distinct cultural background from white America. Third, they live in their own distinct communities, either rural shanty towns or the city ghettos.
A CLASS AND A PEOPLE
Because of these factors black Americans are at the same time a CLASS separate from the white working class, and a PEOPLE. They are conscious of their own identity, and they have their own distinct needs and interests. Historically there have been many occasions when a people also constituted a social class; this is especially true of pre-capitalist societies when conquering nations often turned whole subject races into labourers.
The existence of a small black bourgeoisie does not contradict this general judgement of the position of black Americans; its very smallness only serves to emphasise the position. Of course, it is true that in the long run the interests of black and white workers are identical: the overthrow of capitalism remains the essential precondition for the liberation of both. But in the short term we have to recognise that the interests of black and white workers are not necessarily identical.
The consciousness of black people is far ahead of that of the white workers. Have the black Americans to wait for the white workers before taking action? Some of the most vicious racialist attacks come from white workers. Do we tell the black population not to defend themselves from these attacks on the grounds that poor whites are also workers? Clearly not. The black people of America must go ahead and build their own organisations of struggle.
BLACK AND WHITE UNITY
Although in the short term it is difficult to see much concrete co-operation between white and black coming about, in the long-term this need not be so. In the very process of trying to wrest gains from capitalism the Black Power Movement can provide the white workers with vital lessons. When the white working class has built its own organisations of struggle, then the conditions for possible alliances will exist.
THE MURDER OF MARTIN LUTHER KING AND BLACK POWER
Much of the groundwork for future co-operation is already being undertaken with the recruitment of black militants to socialist organisations, and propaganda undertaken in favour of Black Power at [illegible] of the more advanced socialist groupings. Furthermore, a definite shift has taken place in the Black Power movement itself recently. This shift is towards increased understanding of and opposition to imperialism in all its [illegible].
BLACK MUSLIMS
At the beginning of the upsurge of black nationalism in the early 1960's the Black Muslims were the only organisation in the field, and despite some eccentric ideas they recruited thousands. The development away from the ideas of the muslims was heralded by the split between Elijah Mohammed and [illegible] racism as a by-product of the system and not something which was instinctive in "white devils". [illegible] feared that the movement would be put back grievously. Imperialism, however, has yet to learn that the murder of men like Malcolm and Che merely creates many Malcolms and many Che's. The generation of leaders which has followed Malcolm has [illegible] the movement tremendously. [illegible]
In light of all this I think that we need not be at all pessimistic about the future possibilities for a united front between black and white workers. But for the immediate future black Americans must build their own organisations to cope with problems which are theirs and theirs alone.
A TRANSITIONAL DEMAND
A final word on the demands of "Black Power". The most concrete and popular demands to come out of the movement are for "Black control of Black Communities". Like the demands of the workers' control movement such demands are TRANSITIONAL demands (It is ironic that many of those who spend a great deal of time talking about transitional demands run a mile when they actually come across one.) Black control of black communities, like workers' control, cannot be granted by capitalism over any significant area or period of time. If this demand were in fact granted it would create a situation of dual power - something completely intolerable from the point of view of the system. But although there is no chance of winning this demand under capitalism, it is a demand which is seen by vast numbers of black people to be just and one which is capable of mobilising them. Such demands open up the possibility of an offensive strategy by black Americans which will win some concessions, but only finally succeed by overthrowing the system. And that, after all, is what "Black Power" is all about.
by Phil Hall