The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign plays an important role in the defence of the Vietnamese revolution and has an impact throughout the country out of all proportion to its actual membership and material assets. Just over three months ago (October 27th) we organised, along with other anti-war forces, one of the biggest and most militant demonstrations in British history. What has made this possible?
First: VSC by its complete opposition to American imperialism and by its solidarity with a living revolution [expresses] the hopes and aspirations of large sections of the British population — particularly young workers and students.
Second: we consciously brought this feeling of solidarity with the National Liberation Front and opposition to the USA (and their yes-men like the Wilson leadership) on to the streets in MILITANT DEMONSTRATIONS. In other words we oppose the war not only by words but also by deeds.
Third: VSC has remained a "single issue" campaign, it has steered clear of all attempts to get it directly involved on a national level in, say, the tenants' movements, in the opposition movement to the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, in the fight against the incomes policy, etc.
[It] is for these reasons that the traditional "peace" organisations like CND, which have little identity with the NLF and pursue parliamentary and "legal" forms of protest, have been pushed to one side.
The success of VSC, if we want to talk in these [terms], is due to the above. To change this policy will mean we will quickly become ineffective and fade out of the picture. Other forces like the Maoist British Vietnam Solidarity Front will play a more prominent role in Vietnam work and attract militants [who] are presently with us.
The reactionary role of the United States in Vietnam is clear for all to see, but the question of British complicity in the war has, up till now, been blurred over. In fact the importance of British political and material assistance to the Pentagon is not well understood by even many of the activists in the Vietnam protest movement itself. It is our responsibility to put on a special campaign in order to highlight the whole question of British complicity. No one will do it for us.
The Americans are now negotiating with the NLF and Democratic Republic of Vietnam, yet the Wilson Government proceeds as if Hanoi and the National Liberation Front do not exist. As far as the present Government is concerned, the Hitler-loving Thieu regime of Saigon can receive diplomatic recognition from Whitehall (including embassy facilities) but NLF and DRV representatives cannot put a foot on British soil!
The March 16th campaign aims to reverse this policy and to give the Vietnamese a big welcome at London airport to be followed later on in the day by a mass rally in central London, for them to speak their minds.
The Vietnamese have already indicated their interest in this project. Student NLF-partisans have guaranteed to participate. Can we NOT give them our support?
While the negotiations drag on in Paris the Pentagon continues to bomb and kill in Vietnam**. The bombing pause of the north has not brought peace, [but] only intensified the fighting in the south and the continued violation of Vietnam's right to self-determination. It is precisely NOW that [we] should INTENSIFY our opposition to the war. The Vietnamese have asked for international actions of solidarity in March. Are we going to respond in a positive manner? Are we going to [say] not [before we] make up our minds?
The American Student Mobilisation Committee to End the War in Vietnam has taken up the call and is planning a "round of demonstrations (over the Easter holidays) that will show the aggressors that we will not be quieted by fancy talks in Paris."
We in Britain - if we really support the Vietnamese revolution - must respond energetically and meet the wishes of the Vietnamese. The national council, at its last meeting gave its full support to the March 16th action and urges the national conference to do likewise.
An ad hoc committee has been formed (the March Vietnam Mobilisation Committee) to make the action as big and as broad as possible. We have been asked by the MVMC to participate in this body and thereby ensure the maximum solidarity possible.
Far from weakening VSC, to participate in ad hoc formations like the October 27th committee and MVMC means that VSC makes new contacts and broadens its base. It is up to us to capitalise on the experience and build VSC locally and nationally through these formations.
We have everything to gain by reaffirming the recommendation of the national council and participating in the MVMC to the fullest extent [possible].
* The shortened text of a resolution submitted to the 1969 Vietnam Solidarity Campaign annual conference in the names of Alan Harris, Pat Jordan and Ernie Tate. It was carried by a good majority despite the opposition of some members of the International Socialism group and some unattached SSU members [mainly from Camden].
** On January 31st, DRV authorities announced that American forces had broken the bombing ban by strafing and shelling villages in the Nghe An and Ha Tinh provinces a few days earlier.