International Marxist Group Archive

Magazines, bulletins and booklets of the IMG and its forerunners, 1961–1984

Nottingham Anti-apartheid Shons Its Face

· The Week Vol. 1, No. 17, 23 April 1964 · pp. 8-9 of the scan · 778 words

The scan: The Week v1 no17.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Tesseract OCR) from a scan of a stencilled typescript and has not been corrected. Expect misread words; titles in particular are often garbled where the issue printed no contents list. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: capitals heading; heuristic; title from the OCR of the heading.

from Mrs. Whawell

Although not very long formed, the Nottingham Anti~Apartheid group

Co-op Political Committee of Saturday, April 18th. Several hundred people

turned up to hear George Brown and Lord Peddie. They had to go through

a cordon of Anti-Apartheid supporters who asked them to sign a petition for

the release of political prisoncrs in South Africa, More than 400 of them

(including George Brown hinself) Signed the petition, and well over 100

bought copies of Anti-Apartheid News, This wasn't bad for 4 first effort

despite the lack of co-operation (to say the least) in certain circles,

Ty iS ~ ine Wee Vumb> D ; . —

feck = Numbor 17 rage 7 The Communist World The Sitution in tho Italian Communist Party - by Aldo Miglioli .

Tho most significant opposition to Krnschov's and Suslov's call for conference of the intornational communist movement hss come from the Itelian Communist Party, Whilst m king it cleor that he is more Kruschovian than Kruschov, Togliatti hac mode it equelly clear thet he does not want a world conference to oxcommuniceto the Chinese, nor does he think it a good idea for the Russians to e-ll one, and that if they do, in no case will the POI vote out the Chincoe(al thoug gh they would be glad to reiterate their hostility to the Chinese thes os). It is no secret that massive pressure has been put on Togliatti to che nge his pssition and he has frequently been reminded that the defection of the PCI would deal an incomparebly heavier blow to the conference than other possible defection 3(Rumania and perhaps Yugoslavia). Togliatti's independence is, it must be admitted, the logical result of the PCI's position in Italy and the internal situation within the partys On the one hand, the PCT is heavily committed to the Itelian road to socinlism,i.c. penceful vom democracy (even going so fer as to ronounce the seizure af power with less than 51% of the votes) that it would be in great danger of losing its pres sont zvins inside Ita ly (which are to « large extent based on its est policy) « On the other hand, . corollary of the first point, 2. vory large section of the working class base of the party by no monnc apres with the Toglintti position .s regards the Italian road to socielism, and is attracted by many of the Chinese positions, or at least unwilling ta cut thomselves off from the Chinese revolution; Togliatti hes displayed immense skill in keeping together his vast and heterogencous party, using intornational polycentrisn as a sop to his own dissidents, while at the samo time refuse any kind of domocratisntison within the party. If he manages to resist Sovict pressure, Togliatti will probably be vblet: hold his party to ‘aothor, : although he is seriously menucud on the left by the new soci list party, the PSIUP(hence his frentic and blatant interventions to try to prevent the split in the PST), but he can do no nore than conceal or arbitrate the simmering intern:1 differenecs, accentuated by the heavy inbelance of ropresentation in the lecdership, where the right has until very recently virtually monopolised the key positions (Amendola, Pajetta, Alicnta); the only vigorous left-wing figure represented in the top party leadership is Pictro Ingrao, whom Togliatti periodically allows to speak in order to calm down his left-wing. It is no secret to anyone in Italy inside or outside the PCI th:t the situetion is highly oxplosive and is bound to explicde en the death. of Toglintti, who is «© sick man, as none of the other leaders has sufficient pover or suthority to hold the porty together, (exeluding the possibilty of the PCI becoming on interclassist purty like the Chris tian Democrats). In this situation it is only logical for Ingrac to try to bid for left support in order to have the necessary mass Lese to defeat the right-wing party burcsucracy in the ineviteble powor strugele. The present cconomic situncion in Italy, whore the so-called contre-Lleft government is trying to ipose a pay pauvc until 1967 under the guise of combatting inflation, presonts the trade unions with an excellent oppertunity for more vigorous mobilisstion of the working closs; the great difficulty is to try to exercise direct pressure on the sdministration (which represent? o st»ble mijority in the country) ato a time when the employers are unworricd by industrinl strikes owing to over-production in many sectors; however the Italian working class has never been uninventive in the past in situwitions like this, If the workers'rights cannot be defended by strikes maybe other methods will heave to be found.

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