International Marxist Group Archive

Magazines, bulletins and booklets of the IMG and its forerunners, 1961–1984

Workers’ Control

The Week Vol. 3, No. 8, 25 February 1965 · p. 3 of the scan · 830 words

The scan: The Week v3 no8 25th February 1965.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Tesseract OCR) from a scan of a stencilled typescript and has not been corrected. Expect misread words; titles in particular are often garbled where the issue printed no contents list. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: capitals heading; heuristic; title from the OCR of the heading.

STEEL CONFERENCE

OR some considerable time, a Study Group has been meeting in the Sheffield district to discuss problems of steel nationalisation. It has consisted of Trade Union members and Officials (in their personal capacity) drawn from several of the different Unions in the steel industry. A few weeks ago they circulated a document to steel workers in other Areas, Members of Parliament and a few University Lecturers and others, calling them to attend a meeting in Sheffield. Sixty-five people attended the meeting, coming from Sheffield, Rotherham, Stocksbridge, Scunthorpe, Staveley, Stanton, Manchester and elsewhere. A detailed exchange of views took place which was carried on from one Sunday to the next. Those present were not official delegates, apart from four delegates sent from the delegates’ Council in one of the works of the still not denationalised firm, Richard Thomas and Baldwins. Leading members of Steel Unions attended in a personal capacity. One M.P., Eric Varley of Chesterfield, attznded on behalf of a group of members interested in the problem, Very great concern was expressed by men who claimed to represent the feelings of the workers in the industry at the possibility that the industry might not be nationalised in the present session of Parliament. Any one who doubts the interest of steelworkers in nationalisation would have had his doubts dispelled. Those who attended the meetings agreed to go back to their union branches, Constituency Parties and Trades Councils to organise meetings up and down the country in favour of early nationalisation, At the same time, almost equal concern was expressed at the possibility that the 1949 Act might be

re-enacted. The following main reasons were put forward: 1. This would seem to be a mere act of revenge and would make the necessary rationalisation of the industry exceedingly difficult. This would not break up the British Iron and Steel Federation —with its control over ore and scrap supplies, prices and other policies—the rock on which the last nationalisation attempt foundered.

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3. This would leave the present companies and directors with great power, not only to hive off profitable bye-products, but to subcontract profitable parts of the industry, leaving the state corporation to supply cheap bulk steel to private enterprise. 4. This would do nothing to bring workers in the industry into the sphere of management, where the crucial changes required by rationalisation and growing automation are going to be made. The third aspect of nationalisation that aroused strong feelings especially from Sheffield workers is the possibility that only bulk steel producers, producing over half a million tons, will be nationalised. This would leave out all Sheffield firms, yet they produce probably as much as a fifth of the value of national steel output, in the form of special steels. Again, this is the more profitable section of the industry, where firms often have a true monopoly of special products, To leave them out of nationalisation is both to miss the chance of economies of integration and to leave the state with only the least profitable end of the industry. Steel making firms that were not brought into national ownership should operate under licence.

Report of Conference of Steelworiers

which met in Sheffield on Sunauy,

February 7th and 14th, 1965

In the matter of the participation

of workers in management, the

general view was expressed that des-

pite the risk of .inding themselves

saddled with unpopular _ national

policies which they could not alter,

trade unions should take responsi-

bility for electing men to sit on the

managing Boards at e.ery ievel ot

industry. These would not be trade

union officials nor would they in any

way supplant the negotiating role of

Trade Union officials in collective

bargaining on Wages and conditions;

except on the national board they

would not be full time, but they

should be elected at least in part

thiougi trade union organis..0~..

One way of doing this which seemed

satisfactory is suggested on the

report that. goes with the docun-.ent.

Workers’ Counciis representing

Trade unions: and wider Shop and

Department Committees sheuld also

have some power of veto on manage-

ment appointments. The lessons ct

the powerlessness of workers in the

coal industry to influence manage-

ment decisions, which they had

nevertheless to defend in the general

interests of a nationalised industry,

were not lost on members who raised

those questions. The right te ask tor

detailed costings was essential if fair

and correct decisions on rationalisa-

- tion were to be made.

Many delegates spoke of the im.

portance of taking steps towards

uniting the various Unions working

in the steel industry. It was agreed

that the best way forward was a

Federation on the same principle as

the Confederation of Shipbuilding

and Engineering Unions. Great em-

phasis was also put on the import-

ance of persuading white collar and

technical workers to join their

appropriate unions. A nationalised

steel corporation should be required

to negotiate wages and conditions

only with bona fide national unions.

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