Wilson's Tarnished Image Brighton

A comparison between the Blackpool and Brighton conferences of the Labour Party reveals British Labour's strengths and weaknesses. First, we have to note that despite the terrible anti-working class evolution of Mr. ‘/ilson and his team since coming to power that the Brighton Labour Party conference in essence gave the Government a vote of confidence. It is true that there has been a small shift to the left when two major issues: incomes policy and Vietnam are considered, Both the votes against the incomes policy and the for disassociation from the U.S.A. on Vietnam were up. ‘Somewhere in the region of up to half a million votes had changed sides on these issues. If this process continues, the platform will fisk major defeats next year and almost certain defeat the year after; but is this the kind of perspective we look forward too? No indeed: if this were the only feature of the situation it would be gloomy.beyond bearing. There were far more important processes at work illustrated by comparison of these two conferences. The most startling difference, one which this journal predicted, was that of conference's attitude towards Mr. Wilson. At Blackpool he was kings when he came into the conference the only people not taking pact in almost orgaistic demonstrutions were the hard left and the TGWU delegation. This year the platform had to work hard to get any response at all, Last year he was the symbol of a deep feeling within the Labour movement: he had, in the eyes of millions of Labour supporters, not merely won the eleetion of 1964 but kept Labour in power under very difficult circumstances and a tiny majority. This year even his friends woyld recognise that it is no longer possibly to convincingly argue that every, wrong is due to the 13 years of Toryism. The excuse of the tiny majority has gone altogether. While Labour's punlarity in the country has not been lost decisively, the majority of people no longer regard Wilson as a super-politician. The most important difference from the point of view of socialist stratgey was that whilst at Blackpool the conference carried every issue with a monotonous 2-3 million majority, this year the platform suffered defeats. These defeats arose from two factors: firstly the extremly skilful tactics of the TGWU; and secondly, the fact that although many delegates were prepared to vote for the Government in general when the extremes of Government policy were in question they voted against. Many delegates would vote for the incomes polciy as a whole, but when the TGWU pivot ed the question around work-sharing against deliberate sacking, the former won the day. Simil arly although there was a huge majority for the Government's foreign policy as a whole, when the FBU pinpointed the fact that this meant supporting US bombing of North Vietnam, conference voted the platform down. Many things flow from these facts but most important is that now we have some perspective of successes. We can appeal to the militants in the factories to come into the struggle in the Labour Party by pointing to these conference decisions. Lastly there was the consolidation and almost institutionalisation of the TGWU and technical unions! as an official opposition to .ilson and his team. fhis factor has drastically changed the situation inside the Labour movement, All past oppositions to the right wing have been based upon individual socialists and/or the CLPs. It has been much easier to discipline such opposdtion and neutralise it, but the continued opposition of the TGWU and other unions will bring into question the whole structure of the Labour Party. The Week ig to open its columns to a discussion on the question of how the left can link itself to the union opposition to the Government and the special problems this posses. Please tell us what your think.