parties would fight to maintain the proletarian character of trade unions in seeking to exert influence over them.
v. In order that the organs of workers democracy shall not be turned into a facade behind which all "the old crap” Wot) LEADPEAL it say ; necessary that the forms of democracy correspond to the vital Pwo, of the activity of the working masses. For the administrators, ese 5 and politicians, public affairs is a profession. They have ieee ge knowledge necessary for it. The worker is an agent in the process i a duction. His profession is attending to a machine, In order for him to e able to take part in public life, it is indispensible to give him a minimum of time and education. |
To this end, several hours per week taken out of the regular paid work must be devoted to the general education of workers. In these hours, the workers, organised according to the units of production, would discuss the variants of the national economic plan, the regional plans and the factory plans proposed by the different political parties. These affairs are only too difficult, if not Wnintelligible, when attempts are made to hide the class meanings of the division of national income. The representatives of the different political parties taking part in workers education periods would bring the working class closer to their programmes and their programmes closer to the working class.
VI. Under a workers democracy, political police and regular ( standing) armies cannot be maintained in any form. The anti-democratic nature of the political police is obvious. However a plethora of myths has been created around the concept of a regular army of the dominant class, myths accepted to a certain degree by all of society.
What is a regular army? It is an organisation within which hundreds of thousands of young men torn from their natural surroundings are isola -ted in barracks, where all independence of thought is driven out of their heeds by brutal methods, tesching them to carry out mechanically any order coming from the hierarchical and professional command structure, It is this org.nisation which is the basis of the armed force of the state. This foree, separated from society, is conditioned to come into conflict with it at any time, And it is for this reason that it is not enough to change the officers: the regular army, like the political police, is an its very essence an instrument of »nti-popular dictatorship. As long as it is maintain d, ea clique of senerals can always elevate itself above any party or council.
It is said thet reguly armies are indispensable for the defence of nations. This is true under 1n anti-popular dictetrship where it is difficult to force the sreat masses to fitht to defend 2 State which does not belong to them; this can only he eattnined by intimidation and terror supported by the regular army. Arming the masses outside the _ framework of this organisation represents a mortal danrer ts hbt eine-hanie ot Peele armies are the only way dictatorship can orgnnise the
However the examples of the revelutionsry ware in Vink, /ilgeria show that ice eee Gnd: pokbanioe crea uaremnams Sue arg a fishting and identify their interests with those-of na ae iin no way inferior to regulnr armies, This is true Shire att te on oe ee baPiichardee Si imei ngeression of foreign avert ahGaniduete to. tis Gubicke Geen oe ee, OR: OLY Befens thanselves
ee OF ieeeles. wer, Regular armies are necessary
to the N@sressors for their colonia] wars and interventions; they xre necesanry for anti-populor dictarships to keep the masses in subjection. Thie 18 moat obviously the e-se in Latin America where armies play the role of internal police. But it is equally true everywhere «rmies exist, ind it ds the same in Polend, 2s the Poznan events show. Recular armies, whether clashes occur or not, are instruments of brutal domin-tion over — the working clase and society, just as a bludgeon is an instrument for beating whether or not its owner uses it. In a workers democracy, the reguinr army would not impede counterrevolution. On the contrary, it might become a counterrevolutionary force itself, Consequently it must be liquidated,
. | : gh TPB oni «
In order to make it/possible to overturn its democratic rule, nevertheless, the working class must be armed. This is particularly true for workers in mass industry who must everywhere be organised into workers militias subordinste to the councils. Military specialists must act as instructors responsible and subordinate to the councils. In this way, the military repressive force of the state will be linked clo-ely to the workers who will slays be ready to defend their pover nnd their revolution arms in hand,
for technical reasons, it is important to maintsin permanent speci-li ised units(missiles, air forces, a fleet, etc.). Towever soldiers from these units must be recruited from workers in given factories in mass industry end durins their service they must remain in contact with the workers of their plants, and keen. the rights due vorkers.
VIL. Agricultural. production 2nd the peasantry play too important a role in the economy and in society for the workers programme te nevlect the question of the countryside. Unquestionably, the futute of the perseantry resides in large industrialised and specislised state enterpri “ses, The technical base of this organisation of -zricultwral production necessitates rural industriclisation; it requires substanticl investment only realisable over a long period Qf time. Under present technical and economic conditions, any attempt at/esllectivisation would mean the expropriation of the peasants which must be carried out against them by a police dictatorship. It would result in a drop in agricultural production and © refirn to a system of police dictatorship against the cvorking cless, Such a collectivisntion would be consonant only with the bureaucratic system, or workers democracy it would meen deaths; it is unacceptable.
The present agricultural structure, in which there is prive te land ownership, results in the e@t-blishment of ferms of the capitalist type, provided the laws of the morket operate freely, without any limitstions. Heoauae they ore scattered these small holdings have small investment resourdes although investment is essentiel to their development, end consequently the major pexrt-of investment comes from the largest farms. fatienalieaation of agriculture would therefore sionify & profound crisis: bankruptey of the poorest pessants and 2 lack of opportunity and declass . “ment of the small peasantrye
er the factory wor i E 1 k kg Beit: Fi re E om
1. i:
; es = bee : - iy z a ees ea Se ; = = ie Ps ee Fe ae a ef p new — Eien Li ; . | « > S 2 i 7 [= eat z 7, t 1 il Cees Se eA a ae
ris would mean an increase in basic-necessity
Such a development is acceptable to the
isar f the tendency toward concentration
ural partisans o ee, .
: is unacceptrble to a democrntic workers s+ate.
ass is to develop the
thing today but
6, the bureaucracy
f the working cl
who have no
in Chepter is
antry below the bare
VITE, ‘he productive goal o consvuaption eapacity of the immense masses the bare winimum. As we have already shown 1 lowere tie consumption of the majority of . eas ‘eae HE peasants | minimun; i% deprives the peasant economy of 1%s Dt auales aie ehaysieeret of oppertunities for development because it tenis oie paenieenee cost of labour power as much As possible and treats spit pal | hese
ary evil.
{ a5 & hReeeae Vd
The working class has an interest in elimineting the type oe er Ree a
. 5 | | had Sela Nn aden fhe interests relationshiy which exists between the state end peasmntrys is a of the workers demand rational development of agricultural production (the hasis of consumption) by the development of smell and BO cet individual holdings and the corresponding increase of their investment and consumption possibilities. It is precisely this that ‘makes the working class the spokesman of the interests of the majority of the peasnts and at the same time establishes the basis of a real allisnce between them. To realise the common interests of the workers and the immense majority of peasants it is necessary: ry First, to close the price scissors artificially maintained by the bureaucratic regime depriving the smell and middle-size peasant holdings of the materiel basis for their development; and in addition, to establish a progressive tax on the most powerful enterprises. Second, to utilise thst part of the peasant labour product approprinted by the state in the form of taxes or any other form(deducting the peasants' share in the maintenance of the administration), in order to return to the countryside the social and cultural investments and economic snd technical assistance necessary in the first place to increase the productivity of the small and very small peasant holdings.
fo this end, the peasantry must organise itself in accordance with its economic bases, and provide itself with politicsl representation. It must crecte its own producers organisations. This is key to opening up opportunities for the 60% of the pernsantry whioh is vegetating on small _ holdings and which represents a surplus labour force; at the same time, a a glut of industrial investments must not be permitted. is |
This requires that this excess lnbour force be used for supplementai intensive production: husbandry, truckfarming and fruit srowing, But this is very difficult, and it is impossible to create an industry capable of carrying out this transformation with the dispersed forces of the small pessant enterprises. Prerequisite to success is the creation of associtions of small ind middle-sized enterprises. “hich would have ~ a sufficient labour force. These associations, as a result of the lend they would have at their disposal, of the cooperative work which suas would permit, and with state nid(low interest rate lorns state participation in small investmenta, state transport, ete ) ei: res Sage BS oe psmall transitional enterprises an. pwinsee ee aka de aie suverprases and would organise distribution and sale. ms 28 the most economic Way of intraasing thatahenuaiand iceceaia 1°) products which are looking Nails nics eeeng tae production of food the consumers goods indus try and 23 iis ce opment of mall ond very emnll holdines. ametece ee Ue Productivity of
5K i Bien aes Poeebesy2ng the surtus labour on the spot.
Sr.
iis owt Read be created on peasant enterprises for specialised a to Gig. which economic rationelity is imposmible, At the peacant producers ims organise thenselves te te aetedee edn any
a or z | ain’. taemseives to be defended azgeinst any sesh: em lowering of prices, The isolated peessnt who concludes "free" contracts with the state, 18 powerless in.the face of its monopoly of HHO market. This 1s why, independently cf the creation of producers org2nisations, the peasants must erente their owh general orcanication for distribution and sale. ‘ith relationships like this existing the strongest enterprises, which are few in number, but Giteh slay an important role by renson of their size and their economic power, rould no lonzer have the opportunity of transforming themselves into capitalist farms; they would lack the lnbour and the cheap land resulting from the ruin of the wexkest enterprises, Rut the stronzest enterprises could increase their production by virtue of their om investment resources or to the extent they succeeded in replacing the labour they lack by mechanisation. | |
Since industry is the decisive sector of the economy, the di ections taken in the development of industrial production set the seneral lines off development for the entire economy. In.controlling the product of its labour, the working class will determine the general framework of the development of other sectors and consequently also of the peasant sector, But in the genersl frauevork of the whole economy, determined by the level, the organisation, sand the development of industrial production, the pessantry must hove control over the product of its labour. Plans for the development of the countryside, the use of rural social and cultural investment funds, cannot be preseited unilaterally to the peasantry by the state. In this case, in fact, power over the peasantry would-'e exercised by a well-developed separnte appsratus, which in practice would be exemut from the control of the working class and might even impose its own control over it.
The convergence of the interests of the working class and the majority of peasants permits the political sutonomy of the peasantry, autonomy which is clso a necessity of workers democracy. The economic organisations of. the peasantry we spoke of above. will not be adequote to assure control of thet part of their product which is delivered to the state ond which must be returned to them in the form of various kinds of immediate financial investwents ond economic sid. This can Oniy be °% accomplished by a political representation of the peisant producers at notional level est=blished ~ith the sid of the economie organisations and of peasant political parties. Consequently ‘the workings class is profoundly interested in an incependence of the peasant movement gash permitting representation of tre interests of the majority of poasss<s:
re f the narrow layer of the most powerful Fie .o7 rather thea only that o proprietors.
antisburenucratic revolution to be an
he economic and social contradictions
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to be the exclusive affair vf the
aictatorshipe. Tue pureaucratic
by the official propaganda of. the —
4n the eye® of the popular masses
Nor do we consider the a ae working class of the degen oe i sys tell, sdentified with espesh TF agt and West, compricee socif rd ee a of the de ee att orncy and its Jeading toree - the ria
| starnational bureaucr’ sens CT ae ~~ amants in the world
os ren Parr all genuine revolutionary mavenen se aes es "
apne ig pic ay en the mor which pean rh baie ae Scale as Wels & . international and ite dictatorship ove
he interna. Od lass, Desiring
| yer its om working 01080" 1d division into spheres internal stabalisation on the basis — aha as mothers revolu tionary
"Ov ba on ite own terri tol, pbs. wile SPATE Ts Ae BP ite nova tad Geum parties, holds back the vehi peak Rash raat in Latin America,Africa andAsiae The anti-bureaucrat 9 ait ; ue 1s the affair of the international revolutionary movement Pan Ok keene the movements in favour of colonial revolution, in Africay in Asia and in Latin America. It 18 part of the world revolutionary movemon'e :
Like all revolutions, 4+ threatens the established order and it is menaced by the forces which defend this order. The international buresaucracy, to the degree it ig strong enough, will try to smother the victorious revolution in the first countries whereit occurse Western imperialism will
with a dictatorship of the capitalist monopolies, which is hardly an
improvement.
Our ally aga the Soviet tanks is the Yussian working class, the the Czech. Our ally against the pressure and threats of imperialism 495 the working class of the industrialised West and the rising colonial revolution in the under-~
the collusion between the international developed countries. Against bu ‘eaucracy and the international imperialist bourgeoisie, we raise the historic slogan of the proletarian class struggle: "Workers of the World, Unite!"
The working class must carry out all these revolutions in all domains, political, economic and social, in order to realise its class goalr. tt control its own work and the products of its ow labour. Is its programme valid? ) | , ee
Int taking the first steps to realise it, that is , in giving auto
to the enterprises, the working class creates the audeuee nse i og for adapting production to n hla Ses ae lg chad Saat ts : iP VANE” PECCUS LON: VO needs, the end of waste of economic surplus the utilisation of the intensive factors of economic growth. The faite, “sti ats would do the same, But the productive goal of the working class is consumption on the broadest social basis and not the luxurious: | a pn aE pent ioins layers, This is why the rule of the working ‘lass o er production assures in the most decisi: ule o: e workir a rae err er SRT opie ae ecisive way the overcomin,
. : bine ee contradiction which today he esi of potential porner habemig one fio. between the acai inpatients Cree hee! 3 and the actual low level of social conriot in a relations of production eae ata the economy oe in roadest perspectives foF the development of represent at the same time the economic inter pp ee hae el
ue economic interest of the mass of the
inst the intervention of
Ukrainian, the Hungarian and
hig ean ee collar workers and the small and middle peasantry, in other words, the overwhelming majority of the rural rnd urban population.
ea ere EES tenes end social layers; in liberating itself, the working class liberates the whole of society. In order to liberate itself, Lt must do away with the political police, thereby liberating soclety from dictatorship and fear; = it must do away with the regular nape thereby liberating soldiers from the brutalisation of barrack life; ay it must institute the plurality of parties, thereby giving political freedom to all society3- it must eliminate preventive censorship, introduce total freedom of the press, of scientific and cultural creation, of the creation of diverse currents of social thought, thereby liberating the writer, the artist and the journalist, and cmmting the conditions under which the intelligentsia can realise in the fullest way its proper social function; ~ it must subject the adminstrative apparatus to constant control by, and permanent responsibility to its democratic organisations, that is to change the prevailing relationships inside this apparatus, thereby liberating the simple functionary from feudal and humiliating dependence on the bureaucratic hierarchy; - it must guarantee the peasantry control over its production and economic, social and political autonomy, thereby freeing the peasants from their lot of being eternally powerless subjects of every government, to become active citizéns, organised and participating in the conditions which determine their life and work.
In the process of production, workers occupy the most ungrstifying position. That is why the working class more than any other class in society needs democracy: any denial of democracy rehounds first against the workers. ‘’orkers democracy is socially the broadest form of government and creates the best conditions for the full development of societye The specific class interests of the workers then corresponds best to +he needs of economic development ond consequently represents in the most complete way all the interests of society. The programme of the workine class is therefore valid. Will it be realised ?
te of ideological and organisational preparation
of revolutionary crisis and thus on what
me of workers democracy their own do today.
That depends on the sta of the workers at the moment those who consider the progra