under theh eel of ee and oppresiion ci areas still: not reste eeonpalec bincots, ie * +0 Ube era of the unleashing of imperialism,
. os no songer possible, National interests serve only as the pretext for putting the labouring mass a Ae : 4 EY domination of their tostal enon eo MS i che people under the 6. ‘The ‘polioy olf tHe imperialint ateteset ae eS ot © imperialist state and the imperialist war cannot give to a single oppressed nation its liberty and its independ~ ence. The small nations, the ruling class dela the Seg of their partners _ a wing classes of which are the accomplices imperialist sues ae states, constitute only the pawns on the Tac Cer great powers, and are used by them, just aa : working masses, in wartime, as instruments, to be acriticed to capitalist interests after the war. _ Te The present world war signifies, under these conditions, either in the case of"defeat" or of "victory", a defeat for socialism and democracy. It increases, whatever the outcome = excepting the revolutionary intervention of the internatisnal proletariat ~ and strengthens militarism, national antagonisms, and economic rivalries in the world market. It accentuates capitalist exploitation and reaction in the domain of internal policy, renders the influence of public opinion precarious and derisory, and reduces parliaments to tools more and more obedient to imperialism. The present world war carries within it the seeds of new conflicts. - 8, World peace cannot be assured by projects utopian or, at the bottom, reactionary, such as tribmals of arbitration by capitalist diplomatists, diplomatic "disarmament" conventions,"the freedom of the seas", abolition of the right of maritime arrest, "the United States of Europe’, buffer states, and other illusions. Imperialisn, militarisn, and war can never be abolished or attenuated so leng as the capitalist class exercises, uncontested, its class hegemony. The sole means of resistance, and the only guarantee of the peace of the world, is the capacity for action and the revolutionary will of the international proletariat to hurl its full weight into the balance. 9, Imperialism, as the last phase in the life, and the highest point in the expansion, of the world hegemony of capital, is the mortal enemy ~ of the proletariat of all countries. But under its rule, just as in the | preceeding stages of capitalism, the forces of ite mortal enemy have increesed in pace with its decelopment. It accelerates the concentr«tion of capital, the pauperisation of the middle classes, the numerical reinforcement of the proletariat; it arouses more and more resistance from the masses; and leads therby to an intensified sharpening of class antagonisms. In peace time as in war, the struggle of the pro-~ letariat as a class has to be concentrated first of all against imperialism. For the international proletariat, the struggle against imperialism is at the same time the struggle for «power, the decisive settling of accounts between socialism and capitalism. The final goal of secialism will be realised by the international proletariat only if it opposes imperialism all alomg the line, and if it makes | the issue: "war against war" the guiding line of its pratical policy;
a"
and on condition that it deploys all its forees and shows itself ready, by its courage to the point of extreme sacrifice, to do this. - 10, In this framework, socialisms principal mission today is to regroup the proletariat of all countries into a livi ng revolutionary
ton which
rational orgen’ sone" a
racate, ane al enee “Pee
wut 2 ‘te
tional, Ite inadequacy an
eotLve obstacle in
tionel boundaries
and action by
foree 4 0 Walks hrouel 4 power hud, inte
has ooby. gina Bode Bay ite jaske ane ante
vergal tothe appropriate to pelt teal notion in we
the deockaiwe faotor in political iifer so that 1t may
histormhe wPhaaton,
Lk, ee WAR has emashed the feaons Interns
been denon tra ted by ite {noapagity to place an eff
the way af the segmentation of ite forces behind na
in the thane of war, and to carry through 4 common tactic
me prokevariat in all countries. erate’ epresenta
A Wiew of the betrayal the offieia.i ©
S0G1614¢% Parties in the eal GOUNtL1 eB 5, of the aims and ap h of the wowking class; in view of their passage from the camp of t .. working @hass Daternational to the political camp of the impertalis hoummeotale: i% is vitally necessart for sgocialiem to build a new VOrkeba’ TRternational, which take into 4te own hands the leadership ronda’ aguowiination of the revolutionary clases struggle against
, Weeriatiam, o>: ) PP > = accomplish its iiwtorio miseian, sooialiem must be guided by.
Ae he anak wamae ba against the ruling classes within the Power aries @f the bourgeois ~tates, and,4nternational aolidarity of ,the workeré @f all countries, are the two rules of life, inherent in the worktime class strueg’e and of world historic importance to it for. Lt@ emameipation. There is no socialism, without class struggle. The renunetetion by the socialist proletariat, in the time of peace as in time of war, of the class strugese ati of internations+ solidarity, is equivalent to suicide,9 |
“« The activity of the proletariat of all countries | asf. clade, in
4 imperialism peacetime as in wartime, must be,geared to the fight aged and wer es its supreme goal, Parliamentary and. trade unic ~ cetion, like every setivitr of the workers movement must. be subordin ato to this aim, so thet the proletariat in each. country is opposed in the clarpest.. sere to its national bourgeoisie, so that the political and spiritual ppoeition between the two becomes at each moment the main issue, and international solidarity bedvenn. the workers of all countries is underlined ara prentioeds
mtre of gravity, of the organisation ‘of the proletariat as a aSees in. ‘Internatio Tt ternational decides in times of pease the tactics to be adopted by ee national seotions on. the questions
tives of the
teres ts
Rs
ay amd, fatiy, tho. ‘oolleotive sepia, te oy, the ool eae ate
ts ana ey “pr omry ‘eut ee deoistons ae the International