The national press has reported extensively the events in Trafalgar Square on July lst. On this first day of enforcement of the colour bar Immigration Act, the most extreme of the fascist groups, the National Socialist Movement (formed on April 20th, anniversary of Hitler's birth in 1889) held a widely~publicised rally. The speakers, Colin Jordan (Leader) and John Tyndall (National Secretary) had a rough reception from the crowd of over 3,000. Speeches were continuously interrupted and eggs and other missiles thrown, and the microphone was disconnected while Tyndall was speaking. Police held up the meeting four times during Tyndall's speech, and finally stopped the proceedings when left-wing militants in the crowd were onthe point of driving the fascists off the plinth and taking over the microphone.
The organisers had called the meeting with the slogans "Free Britain from Jewish Control!" This apparently foolhardy provocation had two objects : (1) Achievement of the widest publicity by attracting a huge crowd; (2) putting the other fascist groups (British National Party, Union Movement and Loague of Empire Loyalists) on the spot by obliging them ocither to defend the platform under Jordan's leadership, or to “desert under fire", The first of theso aims was achieved. Two of the rival gangs have been induced to follow suit by calling thoir ovm rallicss Mosloy on July 22nd and tho B.N.P. on Septomber 2nd.
With the trend towards deop recession in the capitalist world by Autumn these gangs could become a menace as a foree dividing the working class along racialist linos. While only a handful of thugs is proparoed to follow Jordan or Mosley into tho streets, the effectiveness of fascist propaganda among backward workers, particularly on the race issuco, should not be undorestimated. Threoo tasks should be tackled by tho loft: (13 All "rotten liboral" conceptions of free speech for fascists must be fought within the Labour Movement. Labour-—controlled local authorities must be pressed to rofuse all speaking facilities to fascists and to dismiss any fascists in their omployment; (2) tho Labour Movomont in cach locality, but cspocially in areas where largo numbers of Jowish or coloured pcople are concentrated, must form a defence guard to protect working-class mectings and mombers of minority racial groups; (3) material mst be produced oxposing contomporary fascist groups and thoir links with the most pocactionary soctor of big bus business here and abroad (o.g. in South Africa).
Two false linos of argument must be fought (1) the idea that ronascent fascism can be'tignored.,' The attendance at the July lst rally nailed this approach; (2) the illusion that the jcb of smashing fascism can be farmed cut to the capitalist class. Tho fascists are an ombarrassment to the dominant soction of the ruling class at present - but they could be useful lator on, and the Torics havo no intention of illegalising them, Pclice on July lst protected the fascists as thoy did Mosloy in the thirtics. Tho Public Ordor Acts of 1934 and 1937 are a warning that legislation is used far more against the militant loft than against fascism.
iid notes: comment on the ideas of this article would be welcome.